22 March 2019

Art, Gentrification, and Community Balance


This week’s readings and class visit to Western Avenue Studios prompted thoughts about the ways in which the arts can revitalize a community through or without gentrification. I understand three different views between the two articles and the artist. Deutsche and Ryan repeatedly refer to artists as middle-class, implying a snobbish attitude. In contrast, Richard Florida (2002) discusses the attraction of municipalities with diverse arts and cultural areas. Yet, it is possible for artists and galleries to do-exist within a historically low-income neighborhood, like the Lowell, MA, Acre, as our discussion with artist Maxine Farkas indicates. Farkas points out the affordability of the artist studios and live-work spaces as a driving force behind the success of Western Avenue Studios, a key in the revitalization of Lowell.
For example, Rosalyn Deutsche and Cara Gendel Ryan’s (1984) article regarding Manhattan’s Lower East Side rails against gentrification and seems to blame artists, galleries, and museums for improving an impoverished area to the degree that poor or lower income people are pushed out. Deutsche and Ryan review the changes of the Lower East Side between 1981 and 1983, focusing on gentrification and blaming art. Although a growth from two to 25 galleries over 2 years is incredible, the introduction and success of artists in a lower financial status neighborhood does not always mean the poor and working class residents will be forced out. Deutsche and Ryan state, “The immediate aim [of the city] is to dislodge a largely redundant working-class community” without considering the challenges artists and galleries face. In addition, the article authors quote a Lower East Side vicar who talks about gentrification in a more general sense, not specifically as the result of art galleries moving in to a neighborhood. One point repeated throughout this article is the plight of people displaced by a city’s revitalization effort. There is no mention of the landlords that do not maintain their properties or the local employment situation in the early 1980s, although there are a few mentions of Pres. Reagan’s economic policies (or Reaganomics) and the impact on already struggling people.
Loosely citing statistics about the change from a blue-collar to a white-collar economy in New York City (NYC) between 1977 and 1984, technological advances are ignored and policies are held up as a driving factor. In contrast, Florida (2002) views societal changes and the migration of potential employees as a signal a city is not doing enough to keep young talent in the local economy to aid in future success of the city. Opening the article with an observation and conversation with a college student about to move from Pittsburgh, PA, to Austin, TX, Florida describes the creative class and what attracts these workers to specific areas. The main factor seems to be diversity in many, if not all, of its forms from lifestyles to cultures and individuality. Looking at large, medium, and small cities with populations from 250,000 to over 1 million, Florida highlights a creativity index based on information from the 2000 US Census with percentages of creative workers and diversity, as well as high-tech and innovation ranks. A glaring omission, in comparison with Deutsche and Ryan’s article, is the mention of poor or lower working-class people and homelessness. At the same time, Florida’s focus is figuring out how and why municipalities gain or keep creative class members and how approaches may or may not hamper such efforts.
The idea that a city can thrive, even grow, without the looming presence of big-box retailers and with diverse cultures, arts, locally-owned businesses, and creative outlets is not simply an ideal to be reached; rather, it is a possibility, even on a smaller scale in a city with around 110,000 residents. Balancing the needs of diverse communities and neighborhoods within a city is not easy, especially when multiple cultures from various ethnicities, races, financial statuses, and walks of life live in close proximity. Lowell is attempting to find this balance. That’s not to say gentrification does not occur whatsoever; however, I do not believe artists are to blame for municipalities looking to increase revenue or off-load city-owned buildings that strain local budgets. In fact, I believe when revitalization through arts and culture is done responsibly, jobs are created, more revenue comes in to the city, and a thriving and diverse community benefits.
During our discussion, Farkas said it is difficult for artists to make a living off their work, a statement that counters Deutsche and Ryan’s narrative that artists and galleries are bourgeoisie. The owner of the Western Avenue Studios appears to have found that delicate balance between encouraging the arts, contributing to a city’s revitalization, and not gentrifying a neighborhood. Situated near the border of a poor to working-class residential neighborhood, and in an industrial zone with special zoning variances for the artists’ live-work spaces, Western Avenue Studios does not seem to impose or impede upon the surrounding area. Instead, the formerly all but abandoned mill buildings are part of a thriving community in a city that has come back from the brink a few times over the last century, most recently in the late 1970s- early 80s and, again, in the late 1990s and early 2000s. Both revitalization efforts were sparked to life in conjunction with the arts. The differences between these comebacks are there are more galleries now than in the 1980s and 90s, a renewed sense of community, and the city benefits from revenues generated through art and cultural celebrations. Granted, Western Avenue Studios is unique in the co-existence within, and positive contributions to, a larger community. However, while the city has a lot of affordable housing options for poor, elderly, and lower financial status people (although there are never truly enough openings), there is an overfull homeless shelter and many people living on the streets. It is rare for any city not to have a homeless population.
Furthermore, the success of Western Avenue Studios may be viewed as a model for revitalizing depressed areas, embracing the arts, giving artists a community within a community, increasing a municipality’s attractiveness and creativity rankings, and give rise to a new generation of creators in multiple job sectors. Although I feel like I say this while wearing rose-colored glasses, I see it happening in my city. I see the small businesses of our downtown area, many of which have a connection to the arts from the local art displayed and sold at Brew’d Awakening and UnchARTed to the planned gallery space at the Lowell Housing Authority office across the street from public housing.
In another blog post, I mentioned the fight within the city over the high school location and how moving the school would encourage gentrification in a city built by and comprised of immigrants and their descendants. Gentrification has occurred here before, in the 70s, 80s, and 90s, when neighborhoods were leveled and the immigrant residents had to find someplace else to live. In one area, once called Little Canada for the French Canadian immigrants that lived there, there is a minor league baseball stadium and nothing to mark where tenements once stood. Around the time those buildings were destroyed, the city began celebrating the cultures and ethnicities of the populace. At first, there was the Lowell Plan’s 1981 arts and crafts festival; now, we have several ethnic and cultural celebrations throughout the year from the Southeast Asian Water Festival to the Lowell Folk Festival and the Africa Cup. That is not to say this city is perfect; it is to say, it is a works in progress and by embracing the diversity of the people, all of our lives can improve.